Dalit Shrines (Kurava, Pulaya & Paraya)

We have studied 37 shrines (Kavus) in Kottarakara taluk belonging to Kurava, Pulaya and Paraya communities. As Kuravas are the most numerous community in Kottarakara taluk, 22 of them belong to the Kurava community. It was not possible to find out the total number of Dalit shrines as most of them are small and insignificant, situated in isolated places as well as near the homes of the Dalits. Since the overall nature in terms of idols, worship, priests etc. are the same, we deal with them in this book as a whole.

Myths associated with shrines

One hears different types of stories connected with the origin of the shrines. An old Appooppan or Ammooma from the North settles in this place. Sometimes it is said he or she came from Pandi, Madurai (Tamilnadu). He or she is believed to have been a great magician or yogi of miraculous power. Stories are told of Kings and Queens giving them many acres of land free of tax. Marthanda Varma, the king of Kilimannur, Sree chithera Thirunal Maharaja, Elayidathu Rani etc., is said to have given many acres of land free of tax. Sometimes, the land is said to be given to the ancestor/ancestress (the God/Goddess) temple of a near-by famous place. In the course of time the land was lost to the shrine by alienation or by encroachment by caste Hindus, Muslims and Christians.

Another type of story is that a woman of Brahmin or Nair family had an illicit affair with a Dalit young man. On her expulsion by the community, she committed suicide at the Kavu of the community. As the shrine was polluted by suicide they have left the place and given the shrine to the Dalit (Paraya, Pulaya and Kurava).

We have also come across stories that the Kavu belonged to an earlier period to a Brahmin or a Nair family. But the family left the place as a consequence of some natural disaster like fire, contagious disease or the family became poor and left the place. As the shrine was left unattended, the Dalits around the place started lighting a lamp and took over the shrine for their worship.

Ownership

Most of these shrines belong to the local Dalit community or to a group of Dalit families among the Kuravas, Pulayas and Parayas. However, the land on which the shrines are situated is sometimes under dispute or alienated by non-Dalit communities such as Christians, Muslims, Nairs and Ezhavas.

Generally speaking, each sub-caste among the Dalits like Kurava, Pulaya, Paraya etc. have their own caste shrines. A Pulaya Kav- the god of the pulayar are installed inside the Kavu; the gods of the Vedar are installed outside the Kavu. Most of them with few exceptions are insignificant small shrines situated in isolated places near their settlements. These shrines could either be owned by the local sub-group, a family in the group, a religio-cultural organisation (e.g. Subramaniya Seva Sangham, Pakkanar Society) or quasi political community organisations like Kerala Pulaya Maha Sabha, Kerala Sidhner Society, Kerala Sambhava Society. These were in most cases earlier belonged to a Dalit family or local community. For instance, Pulikkamali Sree Subramaniya Swami Temple, Pulikkamal (P.O.), Ernakulam, (Mulamthuruthi-Piravam route). But there are shrines even today which the family shrines belong to individual Dalit families or a group of Dalit families of a particular sub-caste among them. For instance, Vishnu temple of the Vettuavaj, in Kadumeni in the district of Kasargod.

Shrines owned by multiple caste groups like Pulayas and Parayas are often the result of the new situation where Dalits of different sub-castes come to live together in colonies in a city or a town or village settlement built for them by the Government. In such cases the gods also undergo social changes as such shrines have commonly acceptable gods like Murugan, Sastha, Sivan etc. As the main deity in the place of Ammoma, Appopan, Paramurthi, Maurhta, Madan etc. Spirits of their traditional god symbols. But these will accommodated as minor gods to ensure a feeling of continuity of their individual past.

As a rule Devaswom temples and the places of worship of Brahmins, Nairs and of similar groups are known by the sanskrit word Kshetram. But the Dravidian word for religious shrines like Kaav (sacred grove), for example Chaavar Kavu (grove of the ancestors), Malanada (a shrine on a hillock), Kottam, Molom (a pile of stone originally erected in memory of an ancestor) are used by the Dalits. Some of the Devaswom temples were originally Kaav or Malanda belonging to pre-Dravidian and Dravidian communities before their sanskritization in the cause of history (e.g. Kodungallor Bhagavati Kav, Valliyur Kav, Poruvazhi Peruvirutti Malanada). Devaswom authorities put up boards calling them by the word Khestram while the people continue to call it Kavu or Malanada following the tradition.

The simple ritual of cooking by women is the main festival in some of the mother temples. It is the exclusive right of women. An example would be Attukal Bhagavati in Trivandrum and Trikunnapuza Kavu, near in Talavadi near and Tiruvalla which has no roof even today.

Though the Dalits and Tribals even today refer to their place of worship as Kaav, Malanada, Kottam, Molom etc., one occasionally finds a Dalit shrine known by the Sanskrit word ‘Kshetram’ as the tendency to Sanskritise is growing among them. For instance, the Appooppan Kave of the Kuravas, Perumpuzha colony, Paravur is now known by the name ‘Sakthi Nada’.

When old Kavus are renovated by new buildings they are known by the word Kshetram rather than the old word Kavu. There is a tendency among the Dalits to destroy their old tree groves (Kavu) and replace it with buildings familiar to the Sanskritic and Brahmanic tradition. For example, the Kavu of Chudala Pottan near Payyannur has become a Kshetram after the renovation. All the same, most of the shrines we came across are called Kavu. This tendency towards sanskritization is more pronounced among the Ezhava community though they too continue to refer to all their traditional place by the word Kavu.

Type of shrines started by anti-caste movements among the Dalits

As in the case of Ezhava there were anti-caste religious movements among the Dalits though none of them grew up into any significant social forces either capable of bringing about unity among the Dalits or carrying on sustained campaign against the caste structure of the society. These movements too started their own places of worship, which are distinctly different from their traditional places of worship.

Poyyakail Yohannan now known as Kumara Gurudevan and Subhananda Swamy are founders of two such movements in this century. Followers of these Gurus worship them as incarnations of the Divinity who had come to deliver them.

A group of Dalit activists started a similar movement called Nandanar Santhāna Dharma Sangham. They founded Nandanar shrines in some parts of the state. Nandanar is said to be a Dalit sage who defied the brahminical ban and entered the temple in Chidambaram and was burnt to death by his opponents.

Similarly, there are Dalit leaders who inspired by the anti-caste movement of Narayana Guru and the anti-brahmin movement in the south in the early decades of this century started their own shrines of Dravida Siva or Bhagavati which are again distinct from the traditional places of worship among them.

On the other hand, there were reformist caste Hindus who were keen on integrating the Dalits within the Hindu tradition. They built shrines in some places for the Dalits and installed gods who are familiar in the Brahminical tradition, like Nataraja.

Objects of worship

The main differences between the religion of the Hindus and of the Dalits is the kind of idols worshipped. While the gods found in the temples of non-dalits castes can be described as Saivaite, Vaishnavaite or Bhagavati, the gods frequently found in Dalit shrines cannot be classified as Saivaite or Vaishnavaite. Ancestral spirits are prominent in Dalit shrines. The shrines are known as Chaver Kaavu-shrines of the spirit of dead person), Ammoma (a great ancestor), Appoppan (a great grandad), Kanni-Mutham, ‘Paramurthi’ (the god of the Parayas), ‘Kula Deivangal’ (the gods of the clan). There are local stories connecting the ancestor with the community. They are simply known as ‘Ammuma’ (i.e. the spirit of the great granny). It can be the spirit of a young girl or it can be a spirit of the whole community. The spirits of dead holy men (yogiswaran) are found frequently in their shrines. They are believed to have miraculous powers. Ancestral spirits like Appooppan, Ammooma, Gurunandhan, Chaver etc. are practically in rural areas. In some of them they are known by their individual name like Panthali Karikutty, Monothil Kunjukal, Aala Chakki, Kunju Neeli, Panicken Thekkanath, Valiyachen, Kannambli Arukola. One finds also in Dalit shrines spirits of Dalits murdered by caste Hindus. According to local myths, the person was a victim of a false case against him. The offences of sexual nature, theft etc. are the common ones. Some of such shrines had become well known in the state. They are now frequented by Dalits and non-Dalits-e.g. Neeli Amma Kottam in North Malabar. The thottan (song) of the Neeli Amma says that she was a Dalit maiden who was put to death by her own father under the order of the upper caste men, for a sexual offence. But no sooner than her head was severed, she appeared to the crowd vindicating her innocence.

We also find spirits of murdered Brahmins, e.g. Brahma Rakshas, Brahma Murti. Local myths speak of a crime of pollution and as punishment he was executed. Sometimes he committed suicide after taking refuge among them when he was pursued by others.

There are evil spirits like Madan, Marutha, Kanni, Peyi, Chattam, Kottichattam, Kadan, Mallanmar, Munnodi, Ayiravalli, Gandharvan. These spirits are feared. They are prone to cause evil. They need to be placated to avoid danger and illness. But some of these shrines are well known, e.g. Mylakadu Madan Nada. It is in fact under the control of non-Dalit communities at present. They are frequented by the Dalits and non-Dalits.

The Mother deities found in their shrines are called poti (e.g. Malayala Puzha Poti), Kali, Pampumel Kali, Kodum Kali, Manja Kali, Chamundi. They understand her as a fierce goddess. It means she continues in her pre-vedic form. But it is similar to the raudra form of Durga, the sanskritised form acceptable to all Hindus. But for the Dalits she is their own mother goddess. In some areas they consider themselves as Mtamgi Makkal, children of Mathangi, i.e. a great Dalit ancestress.

In some of the shrines one finds a wooden seat, staff, trident, sword etc. Trident and sword etc. are used by the priest during the rituals. They are symbols associated with their traditional ancestral worship. People do bring wooden seats etc which were earlier kept in the burial place to the shrine.

Generally, no idols or images of these spirits or gods and goddesses are found in their shrines. They are all represented by small stones in the sacred grove without building over them. However, occasionally one finds small concrete structures which are of recent origin.

In the popular religion of the Hindus very often a strange phenomenon often becomes an object of worship. A shrine a temple comes about in the place within days.

The origin of some shrines we found among the Dalits are of such type. For instance, Meenam Kulam Kuravar Kavu. Thattikadu, Pathenapuram has become a sacred grove as a result of an ant-hill growing on a tree which has the appearance of a human being.

Among the Dalits there is the custom of one group installing the gods and ancestors of another group either inside their shrines or outside it. For instance, Ullada Pithrukkal (ancestors of Ulladars) or Ullada Pathi (chieftain of Ulladas) Kakkala is found in the Kurava shrine. Kottam (the community of the Kakkalas) is represented in the Pulaya shrine. In the same spirit in two places religious symbols of Muslims are installed. In one place it was representation of the famous Muslim mosque ‘Bheema Palli’ near Trivandrum. In another it was the ‘Jinnu’, the magical spirit of the Muslim tradition.

In terms of identity building two general tendencies are found among them. One is towards greater sanskritization.

This is evident because Sivaite gods like Siva, Murugan, Sastha and Vaishnavaite gods like Krishna, Vishnu and Balabhadra appear in some shrines which were totally absent in earlier times. But if the introduction is the Saivaite gods like Siva, Kali, Sastha etc., there is not much change in the nature of offerings and in the festivals. This is understandable because these gods belong to them and it is the sanskritic religion which absorbed them while they retain much of Dravidian and pre-Dravidian character. For example, the Dalit God Pottan is given a place as Chandala Siva in the Brahminical tradition. Similarly, mother goddesses known by many names among the Dravidian and adi-Dravidian tribes is accepted as Durga in Brahminic tradition. Chattan is made into Sastha and is accepted as son of Siva and Vishnu, commonly accepted among the caste Hindus. On the other hand, if the gods introduced are of Vaishnavaite tradition there will be corresponding changes in the nature of offerings and in the nature of festivals. For instance, Krishna will be offered his favourite item of milk rice. When Krishna is installed as the main deity, their traditional ancestors and other spirits are removed from the central shrine and installed in the outer courtyard. Offerings of toddy, arrack and blood sacrifice is done outside the main shrine. The main festival of the place becomes Ashtami Rohini.

The other tendency is to establish anti-caste religious identity of their own. This takes place around Dalit sages who led anti-caste struggle in the recent past, Dalit ancestors who are believed to be anti-caste. For instance, we have seen shrines of Pakkanar who is believed to be the great ancestor of Parayas and Pulayas and of his reputed brother Naranathu Bhradhan (the mad man of Naranase) who is said to have ridiculed caste practices and caste beliefs.

Shrines of Nandanar, a Dalit sage who lived near Chidambaram in Tamilnadu were established in some places. But all these shrines were built by Dalit activists who were searching for an honourable identity within a religious framework.

There were two anti-caste religious movements in recent times among the Dalits in Kerala, one led by Poykayil Appachan and the other by Subhananda Guru. Their followers are found in different parts of the state. The founders themselves became the foci of worship as manifestations of the Divinity who had come for their liberation. These god symbols are qualitatively different from their traditional religious symbols since they are anti-caste religious symbols. They have an inherent potency in them for a new identity.

But both in the case of the Ezhacas and of the Dalit groups who follow Poyyakyil Kumara Gurudevan and Subhananda Guru, it cannot be said that they are given anti-caste momentum to these symbols, because all of them in different ways continue to owe their allegiance to other gods symbols, religious traditions and practices of the common stock of Hindu tradition

Nature of offerings in Dalit shrines in Kottarakara

One of the main acts of worship is to light the lamp at the shrine. This varies in the shrine we studied. There are places where daily pujas are held by lighting the lamp. In other places it may be once a week, in other places it may vary from a few days a week, or once a month or only on special occasions and festivals. The kind of things more frequently offered are toddy, arrack, betelnut, red cloth, bells, chicken, black bangles, flag etc. In some places where chicken used to be sacrificed have now only the practice of offering the chicken but blood sacrifice is imitated by breaking kumbalanga (a kind of melon) smeared with red powder. Vegetarian items of offerings are also found in temples such as cooked rice, fried rice, bananas, milk, tender coconut etc. Some of the offerings reflect their occupations in life like small baskets made out of bamboo, paddy seeds,

Generally Tuesdays and Fridays are believed to be sacred to these places.

Nature of offerings

In general, the type of offerings made in the Dalit shrines are very much similar to the ones we found in Kottarakara Taluk. But out of 46 shrines, chicken is sacrificed in two of the places, goat are sacrificed to the deity. This seems to be somewhat contradictory in the sense that some of the shrines we studied in this region are comparatively more sanskritized than shrines in Kottarakara taluk. Perhaps the reason may be there are shrines like Kodugalloor which belongs to the Devaswom Board and some other Ezhava shrines where sacrifice of chicken is very popular and is still practiced. In other places, blood sacrifice is imitated by mixing lime and turmeric powder which produces a very red colour.

In popular Hinduism the offerings made to the deity, spirit, ancestors are often things which people use. Intoxicants were also part of the hill tribes. Even some ascetics and sanyases used to take gancha and other intoxicants. This may be the cultural and religious background that we find gancha, cigarettes, beedi, toddy, arrack, betelnut etc. are found offered in Dalit shrines.

Priest in Dalit shrines

The worship in Dalit shrines is often just nothing more than lighting lamps. Its frequency varies from daily to once a week, once a month or even occasionally, and on festival days. There are a number of shrines which have no one as priest; a neighbour if willing lights the lamp. He may not even be a Dalit. But in most cases it is one of the Dalits. It can be a man, woman or a child. If it is a family shrine, the eldest in the family is supposed to be priest of the shrine. The general feeling is that the job of priest is the duty of the Muppan, either of family or by one from their own communities-namely, a Pulayan in the Pulaya shrine, a Parayan in the Paraya shrine etc. In fact we find among them families which have Urali, Velichapadu-priestly job-by tradition. They are believed to be capable of finding out theft, drive out evil spirit, and find out reasons for illness of failure in life. Remedies to counter the evils are often prescribed and time announced for success in job, marriage, examination etc. One may find these days that old words give way to terms like Pujari, Karmi, Santhi which are used to refer to the one performing worship in these places.

There are, however, Dalit temples where Brahmins and Ezhavas function as priests. In the random survey of 50 Dalit places of worship in the state, we found five places having a Brahmin priest and two places having an Ezhava Priest. The reason for the change seems to be wealth of the shrines, myth and rituals connecting shrines with the shrine, myth and ritual connecting shrine with higher caste of a family of the higher caste. These days the feelings among the ordinary Dalits is that Brahmins and Ezhavas make better priests than their own people. Here are some examples.

1) Annapoorneswari Temple, Ezhumanasseeri, near Thaneermukkam, Alapuzha District is a Dalit shrine where the main idol is Yakshi but it is now known as Annapoorneswari Temple. A sanskritic myth associated with the place says that a Nair woman committed suicide in the shrine as a result of being expelled from the community for her illicit relation with a Dalit. Her spirit is the yakshi, the present Annapoorneswari.

Even now Ullattil Ezhumanasseri Nair family lights the lamp in the shrine and they claim ownership of the shrine. A Brahmin is the priest there.

2) Minohil Bhagavati temple, Thykttukasa, Alwaye, is a rich Dalit temple managed by the local Harijan Samajam. There are three Brahmin priests, Melsanthi, Keezhsanthi and General Santhi, after the fashion of a rich Devaswom Board temple. The Melsanthi is paid Rs.500/- per month which is higher than what a priest gets in some of the higher caste temples. The temple is said to have an annual income of more than Rs.10,000/-.

3) Pulikkamai Sree Subrahmanya temple Pulikamali, Ernakulam is a fairly rich temple with properties managed by the KPMS, which earlier belonged to the local Pulaya community. The priest there is a Brahmin.

4) Similarly, Vaikkathumadam Siva Temple, Maniyampuram, Piravam of the Pulayas also has a Brahmin priest.

5) Velliyattil Sree Bhadrakali Temple near Chalakudi, Thrissur is a Paraya shrine with Brahmin as the priest. Earlier the puja was done by Parayan themselves. There is a traditional custom of taking Thalapoli from this temple to the nearby Devi Temple of the Nambuthiris. A feudal custom still continues in the form of offerings of rice and flowers (Kaniponnu).

The Nadaraja temple, V.R. Puram, Chalakudi is a Dalit shrine built by the Kochi Divan Raghavacharyar. At that time Brahmins were the priests, but at present the job is done by Dalits themselves and the place is administered by local Dalits.

The two places where the Ezhavas are priests are Sree